A letter from Inhabitant of La Rochelle (1241)

Translated letter:

When I recently left you in Paris, coming to Lusignan, I heard many true things there which I send to you written by my own hand. Do not be upset that it is a long letter since I can not otherwise tell you everything in its entirety. Indeed, if you prefer, have it carefully read by someone in your household, lest it be considered that I sent it. For those things that I know to be good for you and the king, by my oath, I do not wish to, nor should I keep silent. You should know that when my lords your sons had been at Lusignan, the lady queen of La Marche coming there afterwards was enraged, as I believe you have heard, that they had slept there. Seizing the cloths with chests and bedding, even tripods, cauldrons and all domestic utensils and ornaments, large and small, which it would be unseemly to list separately, even the image of the blessed Mary, with all the altarcloths and ornaments of the chapel, she had them all carried with her to Angoulême. When the count saw it, he was very upset; he asked her humbly and devotedly why she despoiled the castle so shamefully; she might buy as many ornaments at Angoulême, and he would willingly pay for them. “Flee,” she said then, “do not remain in my sight, vile and contemptible beyond all, and shame of the whole people, that you honored those who disinherited you. I shall never see you again.” After two days, he followed her to Angoulême, where after he entered the city he could not enter the castle where she was; instead for three days he ate and slept in the house of the Temple before the gates of the castle. After that through someone’s mediation he was able to talk to her; when he came in, on the first attack she wept, so that she could incite him to rage over whatever she said. She said: “You worse than anyone living, did you not see at Poitiers, when I waited three days to atone to your king and queen, that when I came before them in the chamber, the king was sitting on one side of the bed and the queen, with the countess of Chartres and her sister the abbess on the other. They did not call me nor have me sit with them, and they did it so that they would render me vile before the people. And indeed I was vile as a stupid hireling standing among the people before them. They did not rise when I came in nor when I left, not even a little, disparaging me, as you yourself saw. And for the sorrow and the shame, I can not speak, for sorrow and anger, more than the disinheritance of our land which they took from us so perversely, will kill me unless with God’s help, they repent or grieve or lose their own. Either I shall lose whatever I have, or I shall die in this pain.” Then the count, benevolent as you know him to be, seeing her weeping and hearing these things, was quite moved. He said: “Lady, instruct me; whatever I can do, I shall do; you may be sure.” “If not,” she said, “you will never lie with me again, nor shall I see you.” And he then swore [anathematized] even more strongly that he would do her will. Afterwards the count at her counsel had a conference at Parthenay with the count of Eu, G. de Lusignac, and all the barons and castellans of Poitou. And some of them said that with the count of La Marche disinherited, which you would already have done, your intention was to take away from the count of Eu the castles which he had in gift from the king of the English, and gradually from the knight G. de Lusignan and all the others. “And especially since the French,” someone said, “have customarily always hated us Poitevins. They want to subject everything and take control of it by conquest, and they will treat us more vilely than the Normans or Albigensians, since a certain single hireling of the king can do his will in Champagne, Burgundy, and every land, so that none of the barons dares to attempt anything without his mandate, like serfs. I would indeed prefer,” he said, “to be dead along with the rest of you than to be thus; since even the townsmen,” he said, “fear their lordship because of the pride of their hirelings, since they are far from the court and can not go there and so are destroyed. Let us therefore prepare to resist strongly, lest we all perish together:  'For when the thing is done, one faction will burn with its neighbor.’” Then they all swore and conspired evil; but I do not know the mode, though I know this well. Then they all came to Angoulême to speak with the queen who against her custom honored them very much, even those she did not like, and they repeated their pacts before her. Afterwards they came to Pons, where the seneschal of Gascony was, who had recently come with his cleric son, R. of Ponte de Anglia, when the cleric was sent, as you heard, Lady, to Vincennes. All the barons, castellans, and powerful men of Gascony and Agen and the  magnates/mayors of Bourdeaux, Bayonne, Saint-Emilion, and Royan and all the municipal officials and count Boson and all the castellans of the bishopric of Orange, except lord G[eoffrey] of Rancon, who is of that land. And there was a great multitude and number of them. Who all said, unanimously, that if they were subjected by the French, they would be destroyed; for now it is their land and they do what they want, since for the king of the English, even at Bordeaux or Bayonne, they do not give an egg, and he gives them and the barons enough, but the French take things away from them. This was said by some who had been so instructed. At the end, they swore and formed the conspiracy. I sent my messenger there, who was present in the town, and I would have sent him to you long before, but I was awaiting the end of the conference.
[Here, the editor notes, there is a change in the handwriting, which he suggests signals a postscript written when the messenger returned.] It was agreed among them that as soon as possible those of Bordeaux and Bayonne, who are mariners above all and lords of the sea, who have ships and galleys beyond measure and know all such things, would come to La Rochelle, preventing the grain which is not produced in La Rochelle and other merchandise from coming into the city and wine from going out. And they burned homes with winepresses and cellars and vines around La Rochelle, which are of great value, at night. And for this the count and the queen [Isabel, formerly queen of England] secretly pay the wages of pilots and those serving ten galleys, which is a lot; and those of Bordeaux another ten, since Bordeaux hates La Rochelle, and because of this they give to Bayonne which has every maritime ability 12 pennies for any cask of wine that will cross the Gironde to the sea, from all Gascony and Moissac, and Bergerac, so they will be of their company and help them against La Rochelle. Yet they could not be prepared so swiftly; and they claim that they do this because of the old injuries which they say we of La Rochelle did to them. Those of Bordeaux do not have permission to pay Bayonne for the casks from the king of England, nor they say will they desist from war because of him. The barons incite wars through the land in different places through different people, and the count and many others say they do not know about it. Meanwhile, the count buys all grain of every kind and puts it in his castles, preventing the grain from his land being delivered at La Rochelle or elsewhere. The lord king and count should, if it please you, lady, order him to desist, since neighboring lands should share and deliver foods from one to another. The count is having his castle Frontignac on the road from Niort to La Rochelle wondrously fortified so he can prevent entry and exit at La Rochelle of all things which are brought there from France and Flanders, if he has the chance. Thus our city would be besieged only because the grain is withheld. And it is already expensive because of that and will be very expensive. But you, with God’s help, give good counsel on this as you always have done in much greater situations. Beware, lady, if you should send to the count and queen, lest they be asked/solicited — since I know them well — but rather justly and finely required. For prayers would make him and the queen more proud. A just claim with good and bold effect would make them more inclined to your will, whether they wish it or not, nor do I believe that they will do this unless believing as they are accustomed in vain that you can be dissuaded from your good heart to terror and that they can derive some profit from it. Yet, my lady, the greatest good is of peace, if you can in some way hold them in peace, and there is most mortal sin in war, since your Poitevin land is in a better state now by the grace of God than it ever was in the times of the English kings. This you know, truly, whatever your Poitevins say, who always want war. But death will come upon them and their bow will be broken and the sword will enter their hearts since, if they make war, I know truly that it will be from the just providence of God that what you left free to them for the sake of peace from the property of the lord count of Poitou, they will lose, unwilling and ungrateful. And it will be just that they be punished in that in which they transgressed. And I believe that a sentence of God will fall ... over them, since they are not loved by their own people and the land will by itself return to your son if it be so, although those of Bordeaux and the communes of Gascony promised that if it were necessary they would send 500 paid knights and 500 mounted crossbowmen in service, and 1000 foot soldiers, also in service and crossbowmen. But I do not fear this worth an egg, since I know the count and the land, and they will not dare to move. If they did, they would be moved to their harm and all will be yours. Since, however, the count of La Marche and others are having their castles and gates fortified and guarded, lady, you should order , if it please you and seem s effective, all the magnates/mayors of La Rochelle and other towns that, guarding their gates well, [they let] noone  enter unless he is known.  For I know most secretly that some would, for money, set and burn fire in the towns if they could and so we would die in La Rochelle.  And you should order the mayor and provost to throw out what alas is most terrible in la Rochelle, wandering menials [those holding the brothel open].  For the explosions and many evils of the towns come from them; this year two men were killed in a certain brothel.  You might order the castellan of La Rochelle to not let out those serving the castle; for there are always outside the castle some quite wealthy merchants of horses, others of salt, grain and wine;  some are busy in the taverns, and the castellan never or rarely leaves the castle.  And one should beware by this adage, if you please:  darts that are foreseen do less harm.  I might have said these thing to the castellan and mayor about guarding the town, but I do not want them to think I have said something about the count of La Marche, nor that I would send this to you in any way, since certain people, I do not know who, sent to the queen of la Marche that I said nasty things about her when I spoke to the lord king at Vincennes.  V…

Original letter:

Quando nuper recessi a vobis Parisius, veniens apud Leziniacum, ibidem plura audivi et vera, que vobis mando scribta manu propria. Nec vos tedeat longa littera, quia aliter omnia hec mandare non possem integre. Immo, si placet, diligenter legi ea faciatis ab aliquo familiari, ne perpendatur me hoc mandasse. Ea enim que scio esse bona vestra et domini regis, per juramentum meum, nolo nec debeo subticere. Sciatis siquidem quod, quando domini mei filii vestri fuerunt apud Leziniacum, domina regina Marchie ibi veniens postea, quasi furiosa, ut audistis, sicut credo, quia ibi jacuerant, de castro pannos cum archis et culcitras, tripedes etiam, calderias et omnia domus utensilia et ornamenta magna et parva, que dedecus esset dicere per singula, et etiam beate Marie ymaginem, cum pannis altaris omnibus et ornamentis capelle, rapiens, secum defferri fecit versus Engolismam. Quod videns comes, dolens valde, dixit ei humiliter et devote quare castrum ita turpiter spoliabat; sed emeret tot et tanta ornamenta apud Engolismam, et ipse ea solveret libenter. "Fugite, dixit illa tunc, non remaneatis in conspectu meo, vilis super omnes et abjectus et obprobrium tocius populi, qui eos honoravistis qui exheredant vos, nunquam de cetero [vos] videbo." Ille vero post biduum sequtus est eam apud Engolismam, ubi civitatem intrans non potuit intrare castrum, ubi illa erat; immo per tres dies continuos comedit et jacuit in domo Templi ante fores castri. Postea vero obtinuit, aliquo mediante, quod loqueretur cum illa; ubi quando venit, primo impetu, ipsa valde lacrimata est, ut, propter hoc et propter ea que diceret, ipsum incitaret ad furorem. At illa dixit: "Deterior omnis viventis, nonne vos vidistis apud Pictavim, ubi expectaveram per triduum, ut satisfacerem regi vestro et regine, quod, quando veni coram ipsis in camera, sedebat rex, ex una parte lecti, et regina, cum comitissa Karnotensi et sorore sua abbatissa, ex altera, nec me vocaverunt nec sedere fecerunt cum ipsis, istud ex industria facientes, ut vilem me redderent coram gente; vilis namque eram que quasi quedam fatua soldaria eram stando inter populum coram ipsis; nec in adventu vel recessu meo aliquantulum surrexerunt, me, sicut vosmet talis qualis vidistis, vilipendentes. Et pre dolore et verecundia non possum verbum consummare; qui dolor et ira, plusquam etiam exheredacio terre nostre, quam nobis ita perverse abstulerunt, me occidet, nisi Deo dante inde peniteant, aut doleant, aut de suo proprio perdant. Vel ego perdam quicquid habeo, vel moriar in hac pena." Tunc comes, prout illum benignum scitis, videns illam lacrimosam, hiis auditis, valde commotus dixit: "Domina, precipite; quicquid potero faciam; hoc sciatis." "Aliter, dixit illa, nunquam a modo jacebitis mecum, nec vos videbo." Et ipso tunc forcius anathematizabat se facere velle suum. Postea siquidem, de ejus consilio, cum comite Augi, G. de Leziniaco et omnibus baronibus et castellanis Pictavie habuit comes colloquium apud Partiniacum. Et dixerunt aliqui quod, exheredato comite Marchie, quod jam feceratis, propositum vestrum erat comiti Augi aufferre castra habita de dono regis Anglorum, G. de Leziniaco militi et omnibus aliis paulatim. "Et maxime cum Gallici, dixit quidam, semper odio habeant nos Pictavenses, sicut consueverunt. Omnia subpeditare volent et capere in dominio suo et conquestis, et vilius quam Normannos vel Albigenses nos tractabunt, cum etiam quidam solus garcifer regis faciat beneplacitum suum in Campania, Burgundia et in omni terra, quod nullus baronum aliquid ausus est attemptare sine mandato suo, tanquam servi. Ego vero mallem, dixit ille, esse mortuus et vos omnes quam sic esse; quia etiam burgenses, dixit ipse, timent eorum dominium propter superbiam garciferorum suorum, cum longe sint a curia, nec illuc possint ire, et iedo destruhuntur. Preparemus ergo nos ad reistendum fortiter, ne omnes insimul pereamus: `Nam tua res agitur, paries cum proximus ardet.'" Tunc jurati et confederati sunt omnes male; sed modum adhuc nescio; sed eam bene sciam. Exinde venerunt omnes apud Engolismam loqui cum regina, que more non solito eos honoravit multum, tales etiam quos non diligebat, et coram ipsa iteraverunt pacta sua. Postea vero venerunt apud Pontem, ubi fuit senescallus Wasconie, qui de novo venerat cum clerico filio R. de Ponte de Anglia, ubi clericus missus fuerat, sicut audistis, domina, apud Vicenes. Ibi fuerunt omnes barones, castellani et potentes Wasconie et Agennesii et majores Burdegale, Bayone, Sancti Emelyonis et de Regula, et omnes scabini, et comes Bigorritanus et omnes castellani episcopatus Xanctonensis, excepto domino G. de Ranconio, qui est illius terre. Et fuit magna multitudo et numerus illorum. Qui omnes unanimiter dixerunt quod, si subjugati fuerint Gallicis, destruhentur: nunc enima terra sua est, et faciunt quicquid volunt, quia pro rege Anglorum, etiam apud Burdegalam vel Bayonam, non faciunt valens ovum; et dat eis et baronibus satis; et Gallici aufferrent sua sibi. Hoc dicebant aliqui ad hoc instructi. In fine confederati sunt et jurati. Illuc misi nuncium meum, qui presens erat in villa, et diu antea ad vos misissem; sed finem colloquii expectabam. [Here, the editor notes, there is a change in the handwriting, which he suggests signals a postscript written when the messenger returned.] Proloqutum est inter ipsos quod Burdegalenses et Bayonenses, qui sunt marinarii super omnes et domini maris, ut pote qui habent naves et galeas ultra modum, et sciunt omnia talia, venient coram Rupella, perturbantes bladeum, quod non provenit in Rupella, nisi vina, et alias mercandisias villam intrare, et vina exire; et comburent domos cum torcularibus et cellariis et vinis circa Rupellam, que sunt miri valoris, saltim de noctibus. Et ad hoc solvent gagia galiotorum et servientium decem galearum (quod maximum est) comes et regina clam; et Burdegalenses aliarum decem, quia Burdegalenses semper habent Rupellam odio, et propter hoc dant Bayonensibus, qui habent omne posse maris, quod semper habeant de quolibet tonello vini quod transibit per Girondam ad mare, de omni Wasconia et de Muissac et de Bragerac, XII nummos, ut sint in eorum conductu, et eos juvent contra Rupellam; non tamen ita cito poterunt preparari, et dicent tunc quod hoc faciunt propter veteres injurias quas nos de Rupella fecimus eisdem, ut dicunt. Nec de dicta consuetudine tonellorum solvenda Bayonensibus accipient licentiam Burdegalenses a rege Anglie, nec de guerra, ut dicunt, desistent propter ipsum. Barones vero in diversis locis et a diversis personis facient per terram guerras moveri, et comes et alii plures se dicent hoc nescire. Interim vero omne bladum omnis generis emit comes et ponit in castris suis, inhibens et perturbans ne de terra sua apud Rupellam vel alibi bladum defferatur. Quod dominus rex et comes, si vobis, domina, placuerit, debent bene ei mandare ut desistat, cum terre vicine debeant esse participes, et de una ad aliam victualia defferri. Mirabiliter facit comes muniri Frontiniacum castrum suum, quod est in via de Niorto ad Rupellam, ut, si locus fuerit, adventus et exitus Rupelle et rerum omnium que de Francia et Flandria illuc feruntur, si poterit, sic perturbet; et sic esset villa nostra solummodo pro bladi retencione obsessa; et jam est karum valde propter hoc, et karissimum erit. Sed vos, Deo dante, bonum consilium, sicut semper fecistis, in satis majoribus casibus super hoc apponetis. Caveatis, domina, si ad comitem et reginam miseritis, ne rogentur, quia eos novi bene; sed juste requirantur et pulcre. Preces enim eum superbiorem redderent et reginam. [Jus]ta peticio cum bono effectu et audaci ipsos ad velle vestrum, velint nolint, facient proniores, nec credo quod hec faciant, nisi ad terrorem, sicut consueverunt, credentes, et in vanum, quod vos possitis a vestro bono corde per se removeri, et exinde se lucrum aliquod reportare. Tamen, domina mea, maximum bonum est pacis, si eos quoquo modo poteritis habere in pace, et peccatum mortalissimum est in guerra, quia Pictavia terra vestra in meliori statu est modo per Dei gratiam quam unquam fuerit temporibus regum Anglorum. Hoc vere sciatis, quicquid vestri Pictavenses dicant, qui semper guerras volunt; sed veniet mors super illos, et archus eorum confringatur, et gladium eorum intret in corda ipsorum, quia, si guerram moveant, vere scio quod ex Dei erit providencia justa ut, quod pro bono pacis eis reliquistis de proprietate domini comitis Pictavensis gratis, perdent inviti et ingrati. Et jus[tum] er[it quod mulctentur eo in] quo deliquerint. Et credo quod Dei cadet ... sententia super illos, cum non diligantur a suis, et terra per semetipsam se reddet filio vestro, si ita fuerit, quamvis Burdegalenses et communie Wasconie sibi promiserint, si necesse fuerit, quingentos milites mittere paccatos, et quingentos servientes et balistarios equites, et mille pedites, servientes scilicet quingentos et totidem balistarios; sed istud non timeo valens ovum, quia bene novi comitem et terram, nec ausi erunt se movere; quod si fecerint, cum perverse moveantur, sua omnia vestra erunt. Cum autem comes Marchie et alii muniri et custodiri faciant castra sua et portas, domina, mandetis, si placet et si expedire videritis, majoribus Rupelle et aliarum villarum ut, portas custodientes bene, nullus ibi intret nisi notus. Scio enim secretissime quod aliqui ignem, mediante peccunia, in villis, si poterint, facient apponi et comburi, et sic essemus mortui in Rupella. Et garciferos vagos [et tenentes lupanar apertum], proh dolor! quod turpissimum est in Rupella, eici, si placet, mandetis majori et preposito. Exinde enim exeunt villarum combustiones et multa mala; et in quodam lupanari hoc anno fuerunt duo homines interfecti. Mandetis castellano Rupelle quod servientes castrum non exeant; quidam enim sunt mercatores equorum semper extra castrum, alii, salis, bladi et vini, valde divites; alii sunt assidue in tabernis, et castellanus nunquam aut parum exit castrum. Et super hoc articulo cavendum est, si placet: jacula enim que previdentur minus ledunt. Hec autem castellano et majori de villa custodienda dixissem, sed nolo quod perpendant me aliquid dicere de comite Marchie, nec quod hoc vobis mandaverim ullo modo, quia quidam, nescio qui, mandaverunt regine Marchie quod apud Vicenes cum domino rege loquebar turpia de ipsa. V...

Historical context:

The author who warns queen Blanche of a conspiracy was living in La Rochelle but had relations with the French court. The editor thinks the name of the sender was removed from the document to protect his identity. The conspiracy involves Isabel of Angoulême, former queen of England and mother of Henry III, now married to Hugh de Lusignan, count of La Marche, and most of the lords of the central and south west regions of France, against French rule. Hugh had recently sworn homage to Alphonse of Poitiers in the presence of Louis IX and received them at his castle, the event that so infuriated Isabel. Henry III came to support the conspirators, but their forces were defeated.

Printed source:

Léopold Delisle, “Mémoire sur une lettre inédite adressée a la reine Blanche par un habitant de La Rochelle,” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes, 4s.2 (1855-56), 17.513-55, text 525-29.

Date:

1241